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They will decide the election

Those Brazilian voters who will become “orphans” when their candidate falters in the first round and have still not yet decided who they will vote for in the second round represent a maximum of 6% of the electorate. However, they will be the decisive factor in the closest disputed presidential election since 1989

Por By Pieter Zalis
Atualizado em 31 jul 2020, 02h58 - Publicado em 30 set 2014, 22h24

One week before the first round of the 2014 presidential election and it is already the tightest in history since 1989. In all the subsequent elections —1994, 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010 — it was reasonably predictable on the eve of the second round who would assume power in the Planalto Palace (see the candidates´ ratings below). Even in the 1989 election, the only one that could be regarded as resembling the current campaign, the PRN candidate, Fernando Collor de Mello, started the second round with an easy lead of nine points over the PT candidate, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The difference between them only narrowed in the last part of the second round by one point for a few days before the decisive vote. The polls now show that Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Marina Silva (PSB), the first and second placed in the first round, have an unparalleled difference of only four points in Rousseff´s favor in the second round, a technical draw  within the margin of error, according to the latest survey by the Datafolha institute, published last Friday.

In a match as closely disputed as this, in which any small advantage could decide the final result, the eyes of the first-round victors will already be focused on a small group of electors the morning after the election (October 6). These are the undecided, particularly those whose first choice was defeated in the first-round, and still have not decided who to vote for subsequently. Around 20% of Aécio Neves´s and Marina Silva´s voters fit this profile. They are mainly women and do not know who they would vote for should their candidate not run in the second round.

These 20% of Neves´s undecided “orphans” represent only 3% of the Brazilian electorate. The 20% who make up Silva´s undecided orphans, should she lose to Neves, are equivalent to 6% of all the electors. These calculations are from statistician Neale El-Dash, director of the site Polling Data. Although this is a small amount of Brazilians in both cases, as the dispute is running neck and neck, the candidate who wins them over is likely to be the next president.

Based on the crossover effects of several segments of the Datafolha survey, VEJA has outlined a profile of those electors and listed what would make them decide how to vote. The undecided Neves orphan is a member of the traditional middle class, aged over 45 and lives in the South or Southeast regions. He/she is conservative from the political and economic point of view and, for this reason, although he/she has a poor opinion of the PT government, would hesitate to vote for the PSB candidate. This voter fears that changing to Silva would be very “radical”. Therefore, he/she is hesitating between rejecting the PT and the fear of a too abrupt change. To win this voter over, he/she needs to be convinced that the new government will be different from the present one but in a way that would not harm his/her life.

In the unlikely case of Silva not being a candidate in the second round, the profile of the voter that she would have left who was still undecided over a second option would correspond to someone belonging to the C class and a resident in a medium-sized or large city, also from the South or Southeast regions. For this elector, the questions are of a different nature. He/she is disenchanted with politics, and also has a negative view of the PT government and would therefore not vote for Rousseff. However, this voter believes that Rousseff and Neves both represent the “old politics” criticized by Silva. To win this elector´s vote depends on convincing him/her that the PSDB candidate represents something new, and not only the other side of the coin that this voter does not want.

Another new element in this dispute is the change in the geographic electoral axis after 12 years of PT rule. In contrast to the situation between 2006 and 2010 when crushing votes in the Northeast ensured the PT victory, the weight of the Southeast in deciding the winner will be much bigger this time round. In 2010, the PSDB candidate, José Serra, beat Rousseff in the South and was just behind her in the Southeast but she gained 30 points more than him in the Northeast. The surveys now show that Silva is just over 10 points behind the president in the Northeast. This means that a victory for her in the Southeast — where the electoral college is bigger and she leads the polls — could ensure her victory.

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The barrage of attacks to which Silva has been subjected in the last month, however, has made her rejection rating increase, including in the region where she is regarded as the favorite. The PT´s marketing offensive dissolved the 10-point advantage the former senator had at one point over president Rousseff in the second round. This meant that those Neves voters who had said they were willing to migrate to the PSB candidate in the second round fell from 70% to less than 60%. “The PT´s aggressive campaign immediately affected Neves´s electors who are better educated, urbanized and have a higher income. These groups have greater access to information and the effects are felt more rapidly,” said the Datafolha general director, Mauro Paulino.

Silva´s supporters were shaken by the speed of her fall and made veiled criticisms of her campaign last week. They said that, on one hand, the aggressiveness of the PT´s marketing increases in proportion to the decline in its scruples. On the other hand stand those Silva supporters who are proud of her purity and amateurism in the electoral propaganda. There is no doubt which side would be at a disadvantage in this battle. As one analyst said: “The game is brutal. If Marina keeps being fouled and waits for the referee to blow the whistle, she will be left talking to herself”.

However, Silva has already made it clear that she has no intention of retaliating in the same way. She repeated to VEJA last Tuesday what she had said in 2010 when she lost the presidential election as the Green Party candidate with 19% of the votes: “I want to win by winning. I am not going to win by losing, by fighting unfairly”. (See the whole interview in Portuguese in VEJA.com.)

However, the PT is not showing any signs of silencing its guns or even wasting time evaluating the quality of the fight. President Rousseff went on the attack again last Friday. Her TV propaganda program repeated the insinuation that Silva´s proposal of granting independence to the Central Bank was aimed at favoring the bankers and would bring misery to the poor. The film that was shown last Friday had a black background and phrases in white letters. The voice over said: “Marina has still not answered why she wants to give independence to the Central Bank. Neca Setubal, heir to Banco Itaú and coordinator of Marina´s government program, could perhaps answer this question”. The film then showed a report from the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper announcing that Neca Setubal, an educator, had donated money to the Marina Silva Institute in 2013.

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With her place guaranteed in the second round, the PT candidate should intensify her attacks against her likeliest adversary right from the voting day on October 5. The 2006 election showed how the party in power acts at these times. That year, Lula, who was the candidate for re-election, had 47 million votes in the first round and Geraldo Alckmin, of the PSDB, 40 million. Less than 24 hours after the result was announced, the PT called a meeting in which 17 government ministers took part.

The following day, each of them went to a state with the mission of collecting votes for the PT candidate. At least five of them had the extra task of getting air time on the TV news programs to attack the PSDB candidate. “There were ministers attacking us on the TV news program in the morning, afternoon, evening and early hours,” said one PSDB member. While this was going on, the opposition remained paralyzed and astonished. Alckmin lost to Lula by a difference of more than 20.7 million votes. There is no doubt the operation will be repeated, at least on the PT´s part. What remains to know is how Silva´s idealistic supporters will react.

Additional reporting by Mariana Barros

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THE PT MACHINE AGAINST MARINA SILVA

One of the main advisers of the justice minister, José Eduardo Cardozo, went to the Federal Police in search of information about the PSB´s presidential candidate

On the night of Friday September 5, the national justice secretary, Paulo Abrão, went to the headquarters of the Federal Police in Brasília. He met the director-general, Leandro Daiello, and asked him for information about an inquiry that had been held in secret by the Justice ministry into irregularities that are alleged to have occurred when Marina Silva was in charge of the Environment ministry. Two sources told VEJA that the meeting did not appear on Abrão´s official agenda and occurred at the request of the justice minister, José Eduardo Cardozo.

The inquiry that aroused the federal government´s interest is filed under number 1209/20120. It was headed by police chief Elan Wesley Almeida Souza, from the Federal Police´s Superintendent´s office in the Federal District, and ended up being shelved for lack of proof. The Federal District Prosecutor, who is responsible for the decision to shelve the file, believed there was no evidence to prove the suspicions.

The investigation related to suspicions of corruption in benefits said to have been granted to an American cosmetics company, Natural Source International Ltd., by a body linked to the Environment ministry, the Genetic Assets Management Council. According to one member of the Federal Police, the names mentioned in the investigation included that of businessman Guilherme Leal, the owner of the Natura cosmetics company and Silva´s running mate in the 2010 presidential election.

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At the meeting with Abrão, the Federal Police director-general said that the inquiry had been carried out in 2012 and that the material was secret and could not be revealed. After this, the  Justice ministry went on the attack again.

When asked, Abrão confirmed the meeting but said he had only been looking for information as the result of an inquiry  from a magazine and he did not know the substance of the investigation. His note stated: “The only information brought by the magazine was that the subject involved a foreign company called Natural Source accused of contraband. It was simple information on the procedural stage which is normally sought in a direct way”. Abrão said Cardozo had not known about the request or the meeting.

Paulo Abrão is an academic and specialist in human rights. However, he has not explained why a secretary of state should go to the trouble of asking for access to an inquiry that had been held in secret by the Justice ministry, seeking out the head of the Federal Police on a Friday night outside office hours in order to answer an inquiry from a magazine whose intentions he was not aware of. It is much more likely that the initiative had a much clearer aim: to provide the government with material that could be used as ammunition against the candidate Marina Silva.

It would not be the first time the Justice ministry´s structure has been used to persecute adversaries. In November of last year, it was learned that Cardozo had been behind the appearance of fictional documents that linked leading members of the PSDB, DEM and PPS parties to a cartel in auctions for the São Paulo state metro and train systems. The documents were attributed to a former Siemens director and the Federal Police said it had received them from Brazil´s anti-trust regulatory agency known as the Cade. It was only when the agency denied the police claim, after three days during which the subject dominated the headlines that Cardozo admitted he had delivered the denunciation — which he said had been anonymous— directly to the hands of the Federal Police director general.

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The government´s current offensive to find artillery to fire against Silva is not confined to the Federal Police´s area. Remaining members of the administration from Silva´s time at the Environment ministry have told the leadership of her campaign that PT members have been scanning documents in recent weeks to try and find ammunition to use against her. Three particular areas are said to be the target of the investigation: corporate cards, daily business travel schedules and contracts signed with NGOs, which have traditionally been the center of irregularities in government ministries and secretariats. João Paulo Capobianco , one of Silva´s main advisers and her executive secretary in the ministry at the time,  came from the NGO sector (SOS Atlantic Rainforest Foundation and the Social and Environmental Institute) but never faced any public accusations of irregularities. The Silva supporters claim the documents are being consulted without being registered in the usual way with official stamps, in order not to leave any signs of what the government is up to.

Alana Rizzo and Mariana Barros

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